Yazar "Hasar, Seyfullah" seçeneğine göre listele

Listeleniyor 1 - 7 / 7
  • Küçük Resim
    Öğe
    Digest of state practice: 1 January – 30 June 2023
    (Routledge, 2023) Kleczkowska, Agata; Hasar, Seyfullah
    Europe - Russia-Ukraine: Russian aggression against Ukraine - Belarus: Security guarantees from Russia Africa - Burkina Faso: France withdraws from Burkina Faso - Benin: Benin to receive military assistance from Rwanda to protect its borders - Democratic Republic of the Congo: Tensions with Rwanda and troop deployments by the EAC, the SADC and Angola - Nigeria: Foreign military operations against ISWAP - Central African Republic: CAR defends restrictions on MINUSCA and asks for a more robust mandate - Central African Republic: Chad conducts a joint military operation with the CAR - Ethiopia: Allegations that Eritrean troops are still in Ethiopia - Sudan: US conducts military operation to rescue its embassy personnel - Somalia: US military operations continued and authorisation for ATMIS extended - Mali: MINUSMA starts withdrawal upon Mali's request - Mali: Nigerien incursion into Mali Middle East - Lebanon: Rocket attacks following the al-Aqsa mosque raid - Syria: Strikes by Israel, Iran, the US and Turkey - Iraq: Iranian and Turkish attacks - Iraq and Syria: US conducts strikes against ISIS - Iran: Threats of force by Israel and the US, and an attack on the Azerbaijan Embassy - Israel: Shooting along the Egyptian border Asia - China: Law on Foreign Relations - Taiwan: States' positions on relations between China and Taiwan - Philippines: ‘Bilateral defence guidelines’ between the US and Philippines Americas - Haiti: Debates on the deployment of an international armed force continued - Mexico: Mexico rejects calls for US military intervention against drug cartels - United States: US shoots down a suspected Chinese spy balloon Non-Regional Issues - UN Security Council debate on the ‘The promotion and strengthening of the rule of law in the maintenance of international peace and security: the rule of law among nations’ - UN Security Council debate on climate change and international peace and security - G7 countries emphasise the prohibition of territorial acquisition by force
  • Küçük Resim
    Öğe
    Digest of state practice: 1 July–31 December 2022
    (Routledge, 2023) Nessa, Jasmin Johurun; Hasar, Seyfullah; Kleczkowska, Agata
    The previous Digest described in detail the background of the Russian aggres-sion against Ukraine, which started on 24 February 2022, and the internationalcommunity’s reaction to the invasion, including sanctions and delivery ofweapons and ammunition.1During this reporting period, the Russian aggres-sion against Ukraine has continued, as has the support of several states.When it comes to sanctions, further restrictive measures were announced,inter alia, by the US,2the UK,3the EU,4Canada5and Switzerland.
  • [ X ]
    Öğe
    Recognition of governments and the case of the Taliban
    (Oxford University Press, 2024) Hasar, Seyfullah; 0000-0003-2673-5008
    This article examines the implications of the largely unexplored, yet very insightful, practice of a broad and divergent group of States concerning recognition of the Taliban, in order to contribute to the understanding of various aspects of the question of recognition of governments. Disregarding their long-standing policy of not making express statements on recognition of governments, many States put forward certain conditions for the Taliban to meet to gain recognition. Based on the arbitrary and idiosyncratic nature of these conditions, the article shows the difficulty of explaining recognition decisions by generally applicable criteria, and further establishes that the Taliban case constitutes another setback for the emerging doctrine of democratic legitimacy. Illustrating a wide range of possibilities of engagement with an unrecognised government, the article also shows that treatment, or acknowledgement, and recognition of an entity as government are two different phenomena, and demonstrates the possibility for recognition to be stripped of any legal or practical meaning in a given case. The article also shows that the claim that, regardless of being recognised, a general de facto government is entitled to exercise the State's international rights and obligations does not seem well established in international law. Though some States accepted the Taliban as such, part of the international community rather alluded that the Taliban bore certain international obligations as a non-State actor, rather than on behalf of Afghanistan. The article also examines the status of unrecognised de facto governments before domestic laws, and demonstrates, among others, States' flexibility towards such governments' right to access State property abroad, despite the contrary national practices in the past.
  • Küçük Resim
    Öğe
    Representation of Afghanistan before the International Court of Justice
    (EJIL: Talk!, 16.10.2024) Hasar, Seyfullah
    On 25 September 2024, on the sidelines of the UN General Assembly High-level meeting, Canada, Australia, Germany and the Netherlands announced that they would take formal steps against Afghanistan for numerous violations by the Taliban of the UN Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW). The next day, 22 more States joined them in a statement supporting the initiative taken by these states ‘under Article 29 of CEDAW’. Article 29 of CEDAW requires State parties to any dispute not settled by negotiation to resort to arbitration. However, ‘[i]f within six months from the date of the request for arbitration the parties are unable to agree on the organization of the arbitration’, they may refer the dispute to the International Court of Justice (ICJ). This raises the question of whether the Taliban, not formally recognised by any State since it took power in Afghanistan at the end of a long-lasting civil war, can represent Afghanistan as its government before an arbitral tribunal or ultimately the ICJ. In this post, I specifically address this question, while Kyra Wigard covers the judicial aspects and overall implications of this initiative in her recent post.
  • [ X ]
    Öğe
    State Consent to Foreign Military Intervention during Civil Wars
    (Brill, 2022) Hasar, Seyfullah
    Examining the legality of foreign military intervention in internal conflicts with the consent of the government, this book gives and analyses a to-the-point account of post-Cold War State practice with more than 45 incidents of such interventions on a scale neglected in current scholarship. Owing to this account, it also manages to engage in peripheral aspects of the subject overlooked in the literature, such as the impact of an ineffective arms embargo on a consensual intervention, or the consequences of the invocation by an intervening State of both consent and its right to self-defence. The book also examines, among others, the issue of the legal legitimacy and recognition of governments, the rules that can considerably constrain the scope of consensual interventions under certain circumstances, and the challenging and under-addressed implications of consensual interventions for the crime of aggression.
  • Küçük Resim
    Öğe
    Turkish intervention by invitation in Libya: Intervention in civil wars, the violation of ineffective arms embargoes and non-compliance with domestic law
    (Dicle Üniversitesi Hukuk Fakültesi, 2021) Hasar, Seyfullah
    In the three decades since the end of the Cold War, there have been at least 47 occasions where States militarily intervened in the internal conflicts of other States at the request of their beleaguered governments. While using force in another State with the consent of its government do not in principle present an immediate challenge to the prohibition on the use of force between States, it is controversial whether a government challenged by an internal conflict or civil war can request foreign military assistance in order to bolster its hand against the opposition. This is due to the alleged implications of such assistance for the Turkish Intervention by Invitation in Libya: Intervention in Civil Wars, the Violation of Ineffective Arms Embargoes and Non-Compliance with Domestic Law 226 DÜHFD, Cilt: 26, Sayı: 45, Yıl: 2021, s. 225-259 principle of the political independence of States and the right to selfdetermination of peoples. Turkey’s 2020 intervention in the Libyan conflict at the invitation of the Libyan government reveals highly relevant and ample evidence of State practice and opinio juris – components of customary international law – on the part of both the protagonists, Turkey and Libya, and third States, with regard to this controversy. Given its such importance, this article aims to assess the precedential value of this intervention for the purpose of contributing to determining the state of customary law on the subject, without necessarily attempting to assess all the relevant facts and circumstances in order to reach a conclusive judgement on the lawfulness of the intervention. Another significance of this intervention is that it gives rise to some questions pertinent to the subject but under-addressed and under-conceptualised in the literature. Against the backdrop of this intervention, this article also aims to shed light on these questions. One of them is whether supporting a government in violation of an arms embargo in response to a prior breach of the embargo in support of the opposition can be deemed lawful. The other is whether the compliance of the consenting or the intervening State with its own domestic law matters for the purpose of the legality of an intervention under international law.
  • [ X ]
    Öğe
    TÜRKİYE’NİN LİBYA’YA DAVETLE MÜDAHALESİ: İÇ SAVAŞLARA MÜDAHALE, ETKİSİZ BİR SİLAH AMBARGOSUNU İHLAL VE İÇ HUKUKA AYKIRILIK MESELELERİ
    (Dicle Üniversitesi, 2021) Hasar, Seyfullah
    Soğuk Savaşın bitiminden itibaren geçen yaklaşık 30 yıllık süre içerisinde, devletlerin diğer devletlerde cereyan eden iç çatışmalara bu devletlerin hükümetlerinin isteği üzerine askeri müdahalede bulunduğu en az 47 vaka vardır. Bir devlette o devletin hükümetinin rızası ile kuvvet kullanmak kural olarak devletler arası kuvvet kullanma yasağı bakımından büyük bir sorun teşkil etmezken, bir iç çatışma veya iç savaşla mücadele etmek zorunda kalan bir hükümetin elini muhaliflere karşı güçlendirmek amacıyla dışarıdan askeri yardım isteme hakkının olup olmadığı tartışmalıdır. Tartışma, bu tür bir yardımın devletlerin siyasi bağımsızlığı ilkesi ve halkların kendi geleceklerini tayin etme hakkı üzerindeki iddia edilen etkilerinden kaynaklanmaktadır.Türkiye’nin 2020 yılında Libya’daki iç çatışmaya Libya hükümetinin daveti üzerine gerçekleştirdiği askeri müdahale bu tartışmayı oldukça ilgilendirmektedir. Bu müdahale, hem esas aktörler Türkiye ve Libya hem de üçüncü ülkeler bakımından, konuyla ilgili önemli miktarda devlet uygulaması ve opinio juris (uluslararası örf ve adet hukukunun unsurları) örneğinin ortaya çıkmasına neden olmuştur. Müdahalenin bu öneminden dolayı makale, müdahalenin hukukiliği konusunda bütün ilgili gerçekleri ve şartları değerlendirip kati bir hükme varma çabasına girmeden, müdahalenin ilgili örf ve adet hukuku bakımından nasıl bir emsal teşkil ettiğini araştırmaktadır. Bu müdahalenin bir diğer önemi ise konuyu ilgilendiren fakat literatürde yeterince değinilmemiş ve kavramsallaştırılmamış bazı meselelere yol açmasıdır. Makale, bu müdahale bağlamında, bu meseleleri de aydınlatmayı amaçlamaktadır. Bunlardan bir tanesi, bir silah ambargosunun muhalifler lehine ihlal edilmesine karşılık olarak ilgili ambargoya rağmen hükümeti desteklemenin hukuka uygun olup olmadığıdır. Bir diğeri de, müdahaleye rıza gösteren ve müdahaleyi gerçekleştiren devletlerin kendi iç hukuklarına uyup uymamasının bir müdahalenin milletlerarası hukuk bakımından hukukiliğini etkileyip etkilemeyeceğidir.